Unites States must maintain its `intimidation capital'

The security of the United States rests upon the fact that potentially troublesome nations live in fear of U.S. military power. Military engagements in Korea, Grenada and Libya let the world know that America meant business. Conversely, retreats in Vietnam and Lebanon suggested that the U.S. lacked the willpower to stand up for its interests. Indeed, Saddam Hussein often alluded to Vietnam in predicting an Iraqi victory over a weak-willed America. However, Desert Storm re-affirmed the international view that the U.S. is a military power of terrifying capacity and iron resolve. That ability to instill fear, which might be termed intimidation capital, is crucial in conducting foreign policy. Unfortunately, the present administration is rapidly devaluing American intimidation capital, undercutting U.S. influence and credibility worldwide.

Potential aggressors will be less likely to stir up trouble once convinced the United States will bring devastating force to bear in order to protect its national interests. The United States must use its military in such a way as to achieve its military and political goals while deterring future threats. Destroying Iraqi intelligence headquarters at 2 a.m. on a weekend when no one is inside fails to send an intimidating message; nor does it put the intelligence operatives out of business. This and other incidents indicate that the Clinton administration has ignored the realities of international security and intimidation capital.

As is evident from Mogadishu to Sarajevo to Phnom-Penh, the United Nations lacks intimidation capital, crippling its ability to resolve peacekeeping dilemmas. Thus, U.S. forces were called into Somalia not only because of their high quality, but because Somali militiamen were afraid of them. Indeed, U.S. forces rapidly pacified the country after months of United Nations failures. Yet political leaders failed to establish clear goals in Somalia, and the window of opportunity to withdraw has passed. Secretary of Defense Les Aspin has stated that U.S. forces will remain until the Somalis establish an indigenous police force, while the Security Council mandated that U.N. forces will remain in Somalia until March of 1995. Now our military forces are caught in a conundrum. Staying serves no strategic purpose, while leaving would undermine U.S. credibility by displaying the aforementioned lack of willpower.

The administration's handling of the Bosnia question is by far the most egregious mismanagement of intimidation capital. Clinton has been threatening the Serbs with force since he was a candidate. Yet on numerous occasions he has changed his mind and failed to act, after raising expectations of intervention on all sides. On three separate occasions the administration indicated that airstrikes were imminent, but they never materialized. At this point the Serbs disregard Clinton's threats and U.S. diplomatic leverage is sharply diminished.

Now Clinton is considering the deployment of 25,000 U.S. troops to Bosnia as half of a force which would operate under NATO (an improvement over UN command) to enforce any peace plan agreed to by the Serbs, Muslims and Croats. However, the three-way war will not easily be ended by a piece of paper, for none of the sides will be truly satisfied with the territorial arrangement. Numerous warlords in the region have little respect for their commanders and fail to follow orders. Further, militiamen on all sides do not wear uniforms, contributing to deadly confusion. A peace-enforcement mission on the ground in Bosnia would make Mogadishu look like Disneyland, in part because the U.S. inspires neither respect nor fear in the parties involved.

Maintaining an effective quantity of intimidation capital does require that U.S. forces engage in decisive action from time to time. The benefit is that American forces will not need to deploy nearly as often as would otherwise be necessary, so that conflicts could be solved diplomatically. Other states must believe that they can be crippled swiftly after the order is given. However, if President Clinton continues to cry wolf, continues to engage in ill-conceived operations, America's supply of intimidation capital will rapidly disappear, ultimately leading to greater bloodshed.

Barry Rothberg is a Trinity junior.