A mission incomplete

I am neither a candid pacifist nor a consistent supporter of war—only when there is truly a need to decide on one or the other. I am a committed and independent patriot who espouses the democratic principles and eternal values that are prevalent in our history as a nation. 

Additionally, as a college student, I am beginning to refine my viewpoints when observing issues that concern us all. One issue of utmost importance to me—and hopefully to the entire Duke community—is the war in Afghanistan. As lethargic as most of us currently feel about the innumerable cost of the war, loss of life on both sides and our fundamental purpose of intervention that surround this conflict, Afghanistan has inevitably become a humiliating defeat for the United States in the War on Terror. 

As we start to withdraw forces from Afghanistan, critical lessons are being learned, not only about the limits of a global superpower, but also the inherent mentalities and ideologies of those against whom we are fighting. These include al Qaeda militants and the growing Taliban insurgency. The past few years have denigrated American international standing as well as suspicions of what, if any, fundamental objectives have been achieved. For these pertinent reasons, I have been vehemently opposed to American intervention in Afghanistan. 

First, the U.S. entered Afghanistan in the early weeks of October 2001 to dismantle al Qaeda training camps and overthrow the Taliban-led government, which had sheltered Osama bin Laden and his associates following the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Justifying an all-out invasion to protect its security interests and the interests of the international community, the Bush Administration believed it was absolutely necessary to wage war. As a result, what was initially seen as a rapid dissolution of the Taliban inadvertently led to an armed resistance against American efforts at peace in the region.  

Moreover, Pakistan, a major ally in the American-led War on Terror, has become susceptible to terrorist attacks on its own soil, further destabilizing the geopolitical fabric of the entire region. Furthermore, India, a longtime historical foe of Pakistan, is desperately attempting to save Hamid Karzai’s democratic government from dissolving into the abyss. According to Al-Jazeera, “India’s prime minister [Manmohan Singh] has pledged $500 million in fresh aid to Kabul in a move likely to raise Pakistani fears about Indian influence in Afghanistan in the wake of Osama bin Laden’s killing.” Instead of alleviating sectarian and political tension, the U.S. has actually exacerbated historical animosity between Pakistan and its neighbors. How can we allow Pakistan to remain a reliable and trustworthy ally when U.S. and Pakistani forces are fighting alongside one another with obvious conflicting interests?

Additionally, attacks from the Taliban insurgency have only multiplied since the American invasion. To display their resistance, the Taliban’s tactics have included suicide bombings, vandalism, kidnapping and other forms of armed assault aimed at Afghan security forces working in close cooperation with U.S. and NATO troops. Under spiritual leadership, the Taliban shows no signs of coordination to reach an agreement amenable to the United States or to ordinary Afghan civilians.

A 2008 report from McClatchy Newspapers stated that the American forces “face an estimated 7,000 to 11,000 [Taliban] insurgents.” In the eyes of an ordinary Taliban fighter, the war has become a symbol of U.S. oppression in his homeland. Historically, Afghanistan has been notorious for thwarting all sorts of foreign attempts at military occupation—dating back to the reign of Alexander the Great. Great Britain was unsuccessful three times before its army departed Afghanistan. And the Soviet Union fought in Afghanistan for nine years before giving up in 1989.  

Ironically, the members of the Taliban insurgency today are modern-day descendants of the jihadists who fought the Soviet forces more than 30 years ago. What was once a temporary friend has become a bitter enemy as the U.S. faces newer, more profound challenges of eliminating safe havens, terrorists and suspected militant units. This discussion underscores how futile the war is becoming for the U.S. to administrate, a war that has caused many in the international community to repudiate the reasons behind the conflict. 

In the long term, the U.S. has more to lose with its allies than with an enemy like the Taliban. For now, the U.S. must reinvigorate a meaningful conversation with other nations for the purpose of constructive, global dialogue. 

Afghanistan remains a failed state due to the absence of a consolidated government; it remains incapable of addressing the needs of the larger population and the often uninhabitable terrain. What the U.S. has failed to address is the resilience with which the Taliban are fighting back. 

With the war difficult to fight any longer, substantial diplomatic initiatives will have to be taken to reach a plausible solution that is amenable to both sides.       

 Zubair Akram is a Trinity sophomore. His regular, biweekly column will begin in the Fall. You can follow Zubair on Twitter @ZubairAkram11.